If pregnancy centers get public money, they should meet medical standards

(Joe Raedle/Getty Images).
You live in rural Missouri. A home pregnancy test turns positive — it’s your first pregnancy. The nearest maternity care is over an hour away.
Then you see a building nearby labeled “Pregnancy Center.” It looks like a clinic, so you walk in.
They perform an ultrasound and reassure you that everything looks normal.
Two weeks later, you develop severe abdominal pain. Within hours, you collapse. A coworker drives you to the nearest hospital — an hour away. There, you learn the truth: this was never a viable pregnancy. It was an ectopic pregnancy that has ruptured. You are in shock and need emergency surgery to survive.
The center you visited was not a licensed medical clinic. It was a facility designed to discourage abortion, operating without the medical standards, training, or oversight patients reasonably expect.
This is not a hypothetical risk.
Across Missouri, facilities known as Crisis Pregnancy Centers receive millions in taxpayer dollars each year — despite not being held to the same standards as medical providers. They often present themselves as clinics, but many are not licensed healthcare facilities, are not required to employ medical professionals, and are not bound by the same clinical or privacy standards. Yet they provide counseling on pregnancy decisions, sometimes offering inaccurate or misleading information that can delay time-sensitive care.
Delays in care are not benign. In medicine, timing matters. When care is postponed, conditions worsen, complications increase, and preventable emergencies become inevitable.
The consequences are especially significant in rural communities, where access to healthcare is already limited. In many areas, these centers may be one of the only nearby resources for pregnant individuals—but they do not provide comprehensive medical care, including critical services like screening and treatment for infections.
At the same time, Missouri faces rising rates of preventable conditions. Congenital syphilis — entirely preventable with timely prenatal care—has reached its highest level in nearly 30 years in the state. Each case reflects a missed opportunity for early, evidence-based intervention.
Yet state policy is moving in the opposite direction.
Proposals that would expand tax credits to these centers divert public funds away from licensed medical care and into organizations that operate outside the healthcare system. More than $12 million in public funding is already directed toward these facilities, including significant allocations from programs intended to support low-income families.
This raises a straightforward question: should taxpayer dollars fund organizations that influence medical decisions without being held to medical standards?
This is not about politics. It is about consistency and accountability.
Missourians expect that health care services — especially those supported by public funds — meet basic standards of safety, accuracy, and transparency. They expect that when a facility looks like a clinic, it functions like one.
If public dollars are used to support services related to health, those services should meet the same standards required of the healthcare system they resemble.
Anything less puts patients at risk and asks taxpayers to fund that risk.
